discurso de Marco Antonio no funeral de Cesar

Discurso de Marco Antônio nos funerais de Júlio César


"Amigos, romanos, cidadãos dêm-me seus ouvidos.


Vim para enterrar Cezar, não para louvá-lo. O bem que se faz é enterrado com os nossos ossos, que seja assim com Cezar.


O nobre Brutus disse a vocês que Cezar era ambicioso. E se é verdade que era, a falta era muito grave, e Cezar pagou por ela com a vida, aqui, pelas mãos de Brutus e dos outros. Pois Brutus é um homem honrado, e assim são todos eles, todos homens honrados.


Venho para falar no funeral de Cezar. Ele era meu amigo, fiel e justo comigo. Mas Brutus diz que ele era ambicioso. E Brutus é um homem honrado.


Ele trouxe muitos prisioneiros para Roma que, para serem libertados, encheram os cofres de Roma. Isto parecia uma atitude ambiciosa de Cezar? Quando os pobres sofriam Cezar chorava. Ora a ambição torna as pessoas duras e sem compaixão. Entretanto, Brutus diz que Cezar era ambicioso. E Brutus é um homem honrado.


Vocês todos viram que na festa do Lupercal, eu, por três vezes, ofereci-lhe uma coroa real, a qual ele por três vezes recusou. Isto era ambição? Mas Brutus diz que ele era ambicioso, e Brutus, todos sabemos, é um homem honrado. Eu não falo aqui para discordar do que Brutus falou.


Mas eu tenho que falar daquilo que eu sei. Vocês todos já o amaram e tinham razões para amá-lo. Qual a razão que os impede agora de homenageá-lo na morte?"


Neste momento Marco Antônio faz uma pausa no discurso, e as pessoas do povo começam a refletir sobre o que ele disse, e a questionar se Cezar tinha afinal merecido a morte que teve.


Passado este interlúdio retorna Marco Antônio a falar:


"Ontem, a palavra de Cezar seria capaz de enfrentar o mundo, agora, jaz aqui morta. Ah! Se eu estivesse disposto a levar os seus corações e mentes para o motim e a violência, eu falaria mal de Brutus e de Cassius, os quais, como sabem, são homens honrados. Não vou falar mal deles.


Prefiro falar mal do morto. Prefiro falar mal de mim e de vocês do que destes homens honrados. Mas, eis aqui, um pergaminho com o selo de Cezar. Eu o achei no seu armário. É o seu testamento. Quando os pobres lerem o seu testamento (porque, perdoem-me, eu não pretendo lê-lo), e eles se arrojarão para beijar os ferimentos de Cezar, e molhar seus lenços no seu sagrado sangue."


O povo reclama de Marco Antônio e exige que ele o leia.


"Tenham paciência amigos, mas eu não devo lê-lo. Vocês não são de madeira ou de ferro, e sim humanos. E, sendo humanos, ao ouvir o testamento de Cezar vão se inflamar, ficarão furiosos. É melhor que vocês não saibam que são os herdeiros de Cezar! Pois se souberem... o que vai acontecer? Então vocês vão me obrigar a ler o testamento de Cezar? Então façam um círculo em volta do corpo e deixem-me mostrar-lhes Cézar morto, aquele que escreveu este testamento.


Cidadãos. Se vocês têm lágrimas, preparem-se para soltá-las. Vocês todos conhecem este manto. Vejam, foi neste lugar que a faca de Cassius penetrou. Através deste outro rasgão, Brutus, tão querido de Cezar, enfiou a sua faca, e, quando ele arrancou a sua maldita arma do ferimento, vejam como o sangue de Cezar escorreu.


E Brutus, como vocês sabem, era o anjo de Cezar. Oh! Deuses, como Cezar o amava. O golpe de Brutus foi, de todos o mais brutal e o mais perverso. Pois, quando o nobre Cezar viu que Brutus o apunhalava, a ingratidão, mais que a força do braço traidor, parou seu coração.


Oh! Que queda brutal meus concidadãos. Então eu e vocês e todos nós também tombamos, enquanto esta sanguinária traição florescia sobre nós.


Sim, agora vocês choram. Percebo que sentem um pouco de piedade por ele. Boas almas.


Choram ao ver o manto do nosso Cezar despedaçado.


Bons amigos, queridos amigos, não quero estimular a revolta de vocês. Aqueles que praticaram este ato são honrados. Quais queixas e interesses particulares os levaram a fazer o que fizeram, não sei. Mas são sábios e honrados e tenho certeza que apresentarão a vocês as suas razões.


Eu não vim para roubar seus corações. Eu não sou um bom orador como Brutus. Sou um homem simples e direto, que amo os meus amigos."


Seguem-se novamente comentários das pessoas, já agora lamentando o assassinato e condenando os assassinos.


Volta Marco Antônio:


"Aqui está o testamento, com o selo de Cezar. A cada cidadão ele deixou 75 dracmas. Mais, para vocês ele deixou seus bens. Seus sítios neste lado do Tibre, com suas árvores, seu pomar, para vocês e para os herdeiros de vocês e para sempre.


Este era Cezar. Quando aparecerá outro como ele?"

ACT III SCENE II	The Forum.
	Enter BRUTUS and CASSIUS, and a throng of Citizens.
Citizens	We will be satisfied; let us be satisfied.
BRUTUS	Then follow me, and give me audience, friends.
	Cassius, go you into the other street,
	And part the numbers.
	Those that will hear me speak, let 'em stay here;	5
	Those that will follow Cassius, go with him;
	And public reasons shall be rendered
	Of Caesar's death.
First Citizen	I will hear Brutus speak.
Second Citizen	I will hear Cassius; and compare their reasons,
	When severally we hear them rendered.	10
	Exit CASSIUS, with some of the Citizens. BRUTUS goes into the pulpit.
Third Citizen	The noble Brutus is ascended: silence!
BRUTUS	Be patient till the last.
	Romans, countrymen, and lovers! hear me for my
	cause, and be silent, that you may hear: believe me
	for mine honour, and have respect to mine honour, that
	you may believe: censure me in your wisdom, and
	awake your senses, that you may the better judge.
	If there be any in this assembly, any dear friend of
	Caesar's, to him I say, that Brutus' love to Caesar
	was no less than his. If then that friend demand
	why Brutus rose against Caesar, this is my answer:
	--Not that I loved Caesar less, but that I loved
	Rome more. Had you rather Caesar were living and
	die all slaves, than that Caesar were dead, to live
	all free men? As Caesar loved me, I weep for him;
	as he was fortunate, I rejoice at it; as he was
	valiant, I honour him: but, as he was ambitious, I
	slew him. There is tears for his love; joy for his
	fortune; honour for his valour; and death for his
	ambition. Who is here so base that would be a
	bondman? If any, speak; for him have I offended.
	Who is here so rude that would not be a Roman? If
	any, speak; for him have I offended. Who is here so
	vile that will not love his country? If any, speak;
	for him have I offended. I pause for a reply.	33
All	None, Brutus, none.
BRUTUS	Then none have I offended. I have done no more to
	Caesar than you shall do to Brutus. The question of
	his death is enrolled in the Capitol; his glory not
	extenuated, wherein he was worthy, nor his offences
	enforced, for which he suffered death.	39
	Enter ANTONY and others, with CAESAR's body.
	Here comes his body, mourned by Mark Antony: who,
	though he had no hand in his death, shall receive
	the benefit of his dying, a place in the
	commonwealth; as which of you shall not? With this
	I depart,--that, as I slew my best lover for the
	good of Rome, I have the same dagger for myself,
	when it shall please my country to need my death.	46
All	Live, Brutus! live, live!
First Citizen	Bring him with triumph home unto his house.
Second Citizen	Give him a statue with his ancestors.
Third Citizen	Let him be Caesar.
Fourth Citizen	Caesar's better parts	50
	Shall be crown'd in Brutus.
First Citizen	We'll bring him to his house
	With shouts and clamours.
BRUTUS	My countrymen,--
Second Citizen	Peace, silence! Brutus speaks.
First Citizen	Peace, ho!
BRUTUS	Good countrymen, let me depart alone,	55
	And, for my sake, stay here with Antony:
	Do grace to Caesar's corpse, and grace his speech
	Tending to Caesar's glories; which Mark Antony,
	By our permission, is allow'd to make.
	I do entreat you, not a man depart,	60
	Save I alone, till Antony have spoke.
	Exit
First Citizen	Stay, ho! and let us hear Mark Antony.
Third Citizen	Let him go up into the public chair;
	We'll hear him. Noble Antony, go up.
ANTONY	For Brutus' sake, I am beholding to you.	65
	Goes into the pulpit
Fourth Citizen	What does he say of Brutus?
Third Citizen	He says, for Brutus' sake,
	He finds himself beholding to us all.
Fourth Citizen	'Twere best he speak no harm of Brutus here.
First Citizen	This Caesar was a tyrant.
Third Citizen	Nay, that's certain:
	We are blest that Rome is rid of him.	70
Second Citizen	Peace! let us hear what Antony can say.
ANTONY	You gentle Romans,--
Citizens	Peace, ho! let us hear him.
ANTONY	Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears;
	I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him.
	The evil that men do lives after them;	75
	The good is oft interred with their bones;
	So let it be with Caesar. The noble Brutus
	Hath told you Caesar was ambitious:
	If it were so, it was a grievous fault,
	And grievously hath Caesar answer'd it.	80
	Here, under leave of Brutus and the rest--
	For Brutus is an honourable man;
	So are they all, all honourable men--
	Come I to speak in Caesar's funeral.
	He was my friend, faithful and just to me:	85
	But Brutus says he was ambitious;
	And Brutus is an honourable man.
	He hath brought many captives home to Rome
	Whose ransoms did the general coffers fill:
	Did this in Caesar seem ambitious?	90
	When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept:
	Ambition should be made of sterner stuff:
	Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
	And Brutus is an honourable man.
	You all did see that on the Lupercal	95
	I thrice presented him a kingly crown,
	Which he did thrice refuse: was this ambition?
	Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
	And, sure, he is an honourable man.
	I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke,	100
	But here I am to speak what I do know.
	You all did love him once, not without cause:
	What cause withholds you then, to mourn for him?
	O judgment! thou art fled to brutish beasts,
	And men have lost their reason. Bear with me;	105
	My heart is in the coffin there with Caesar,
	And I must pause till it come back to me.
First Citizen	Methinks there is much reason in his sayings.
Second Citizen	If thou consider rightly of the matter,
	Caesar has had great wrong.
Third Citizen	Has he, masters?	110
	I fear there will a worse come in his place.
Fourth Citizen	Mark'd ye his words? He would not take the crown;
	Therefore 'tis certain he was not ambitious.
First Citizen	If it be found so, some will dear abide it.
Second Citizen	Poor soul! his eyes are red as fire with weeping.
Third Citizen	There's not a nobler man in Rome than Antony.	116
Fourth Citizen	Now mark him, he begins again to speak.
ANTONY	But yesterday the word of Caesar might
	Have stood against the world; now lies he there.
	And none so poor to do him reverence.	120
	O masters, if I were disposed to stir
	Your hearts and minds to mutiny and rage,
	I should do Brutus wrong, and Cassius wrong,
	Who, you all know, are honourable men:
	I will not do them wrong; I rather choose	125
	To wrong the dead, to wrong myself and you,
	Than I will wrong such honourable men.
	But here's a parchment with the seal of Caesar;
	I found it in his closet, 'tis his will:
	Let but the commons hear this testament--	130
	Which, pardon me, I do not mean to read--
	And they would go and kiss dead Caesar's wounds
	And dip their napkins in his sacred blood,
	Yea, beg a hair of him for memory,
	And, dying, mention it within their wills,	135
	Bequeathing it as a rich legacy
	Unto their issue.
Fourth Citizen	We'll hear the will: read it, Mark Antony.
All	The will, the will! we will hear Caesar's will.
ANTONY	Have patience, gentle friends, I must not read it;
	It is not meet you know how Caesar loved you.	141
	You are not wood, you are not stones, but men;
	And, being men, bearing the will of Caesar,
	It will inflame you, it will make you mad:
	'Tis good you know not that you are his heirs;	145
	For, if you should, O, what would come of it!
Fourth Citizen	Read the will; we'll hear it, Antony;
	You shall read us the will, Caesar's will.
ANTONY	Will you be patient? will you stay awhile?
	I have o'ershot myself to tell you of it:	150
	I fear I wrong the honourable men
	Whose daggers have stabb'd Caesar; I do fear it.
Fourth Citizen	They were traitors: honourable men!
All	The will! the testament!
Second Citizen	They were villains, murderers: the will! read the will.	155
ANTONY	You will compel me, then, to read the will?
	Then make a ring about the corpse of Caesar,
	And let me show you him that made the will.
	Shall I descend? and will you give me leave?	160
Several Citizens	Come down.
Second Citizen	Descend.
Third Citizen	You shall have leave.
	ANTONY comes down.
Fourth Citizen	A ring; stand round.
First Citizen	Stand from the hearse, stand from the body.
Second Citizen	Room for Antony, most noble Antony.	166
ANTONY	Nay, press not so upon me; stand far off.
Several Citizens	Stand back; room; bear back.
ANTONY	If you have tears, prepare to shed them now.
	You all do know this mantle: I remember	170
	The first time ever Caesar put it on;
	'Twas on a summer's evening, in his tent,
	That day he overcame the Nervii:
	Look, in this place ran Cassius' dagger through:
	See what a rent the envious Casca made:	175
	Through this the well-beloved Brutus stabb'd;
	And as he pluck'd his cursed steel away,
	Mark how the blood of Caesar follow'd it,
	As rushing out of doors, to be resolved
	If Brutus so unkindly knock'd, or no;	180
	For Brutus, as you know, was Caesar's angel:
	Judge, O you gods, how dearly Caesar loved him!
	This was the most unkindest cut of all;
	For when the noble Caesar saw him stab,
	Ingratitude, more strong than traitors' arms,	185
	Quite vanquish'd him: then burst his mighty heart;
	And, in his mantle muffling up his face,
	Even at the base of Pompey's statua,
	Which all the while ran blood, great Caesar fell.
	O, what a fall was there, my countrymen!	190
	Then I, and you, and all of us fell down,
	Whilst bloody treason flourish'd over us.
	O, now you weep; and, I perceive, you feel
	The dint of pity: these are gracious drops.
	Kind souls, what, weep you when you but behold	195
	Our Caesar's vesture wounded? Look you here,
	Here is himself, marr'd, as you see, with traitors.
First Citizen	O piteous spectacle!
Second Citizen	O noble Caesar!
Third Citizen	O woful day!	200
Fourth Citizen	O traitors, villains!
First Citizen	O most bloody sight!
Second Citizen	We will be revenged.
All	Revenge! About! Seek! Burn! Fire! Kill! Slay!
	Let not a traitor live!
ANTONY	Stay, countrymen.	205
First Citizen	Peace there! hear the noble Antony.
Second Citizen	We'll hear him, we'll follow him, we'll die with him.
ANTONY	Good friends, sweet friends, let me not stir you up
	To such a sudden flood of mutiny.
	They that have done this deed are honourable:	210
	What private griefs they have, alas, I know not,
	That made them do it: they are wise and honourable,
	And will, no doubt, with reasons answer you.	215
	I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts:
	I am no orator, as Brutus is;
	But, as you know me all, a plain blunt man,
	That love my friend; and that they know full well
	That gave me public leave to speak of him:	220
	For I have neither wit, nor words, nor worth,
	Action, nor utterance, nor the power of speech,
	To stir men's blood: I only speak right on;
	I tell you that which you yourselves do know;
	Show you sweet Caesar's wounds, poor poor dumb mouths,
	And bid them speak for me: but were I Brutus,	226
	And Brutus Antony, there were an Antony
	Would ruffle up your spirits and put a tongue
	In every wound of Caesar that should move
	The stones of Rome to rise and mutiny.	230
All	We'll mutiny.
First Citizen	We'll burn the house of Brutus.
Third Citizen	Away, then! come, seek the conspirators.
ANTONY	Yet hear me, countrymen; yet hear me speak.
All	Peace, ho! Hear Antony. Most noble Antony!
ANTONY	Why, friends, you go to do you know not what:
	Wherein hath Caesar thus deserved your loves?
	Alas, you know not: I must tell you then:
	You have forgot the will I told you of.
All	Most true. The will! Let's stay and hear the will.	240
ANTONY	Here is the will, and under Caesar's seal.
	To every Roman citizen he gives,
	To every several man, seventy-five drachmas.
Second Citizen	Most noble Caesar! We'll revenge his death.
Third Citizen	O royal Caesar!
ANTONY	Hear me with patience.
All	Peace, ho!
ANTONY	Moreover, he hath left you all his walks,
	His private arbours and new-planted orchards,
	On this side Tiber; he hath left them you,	250
	And to your heirs for ever, common pleasures,
	To walk abroad, and recreate yourselves.
	Here was a Caesar! when comes such another?
First Citizen	Never, never. Come, away, away!
	We'll burn his body in the holy place,	255
	And with the brands fire the traitors' houses.
	Take up the body.
Second Citizen	Go fetch fire.
Third Citizen	Pluck down benches.
Fourth Citizen	Pluck down forms, windows, any thing.
	Exeunt Citizens with the body.
ANTONY	Now let it work. Mischief, thou art afoot,	261
	Take thou what course thou wilt!
	Enter a Servant
	How now, fellow!
Servant	Sir, Octavius is already come to Rome.
ANTONY	Where is he?
Servant	He and Lepidus are at Caesar's house.
ANTONY	And thither will I straight to visit him:
	He comes upon a wish. Fortune is merry,
	And in this mood will give us any thing.
Servant	I heard him say, Brutus and Cassius	269
	Are rid like madmen through the gates of Rome.
ANTONY	Belike they had some notice of the people,
	How I had moved them. Bring me to Octavius.
	Exeunt

Next: Julius Caesar, Act 3, Scene 3 

Chega de chorar!
Vou correr atrás do prejuízo
e já que as vacas são magras,
vou  fazer uma boa dieta.

Tião Carreiro e Pardinho - Rei Do Gado

d



um salva à memória de  Benedito Rui Barbosa.



Não escondo de ninguém minha aversão as  fétidas criações novelísticas da rede Globo, porém para toda regra existe uma exceção. Coloco como exceção às novelas de B R B. São dramaturgias  de excelente qualidade que não podem ser comparadas ao baixo nível das dramaturgias atuais, essas, só tem um botão no controle de minha tv: o botão vermelho.

 A novela se passa de um período histórico ao moderno, com enfase na história da imigração italiana. Repleta de mensagens política datada de uma época em que havia muitos protestos do MST, rui

Recentemente estou assistindo a novela Rei do Gado, e estou impressionado com as mensagens transmitidas pela novela. BRB não poupou críticas aos políticos da época, que aliás são mensagens ainda válidas, pois infelizmente pouco neste cenário mudou.

Quanto ao drama, chamou-me a atenção o capítulo que assisti ontem ( cap 35) Onde o delegado questiona se o rei do gado bateria em sua esposa adultera no flagrante e ele responde:" - eu nunca bateria na mãe dos meus filhos."  Na sequência, vemos o amante batendo na mulher. Que bela mensagem, que nem parace vir da principal responsável pela disseminação de inversão de valores deste país.

OBS.: Não assisto a novela pela Globo, assisto pela internet.

"[...] O sistema [ corrupção ] entrega a mão para salvar o braço. O sistema se reorganiza, articula novos interesses, cria novas lideranças, enquanto as condições de existência do Sistema [ignorância, miséria, egoísmo, egocentrismo etc] estiverem ai, ele vai resistir. Quem você acha que sustenta tudo isso? É, e custa caro! [...]"    
                     (Capitão Nascimento, Tropa de Elite 2)

UMA DEFESA AOS VEGANOS E VEGETARIANOS

Uma ponderação a respeito de DC:89 levou me a assistir ao vídeo que postarei.

Na época, já faz tempo, lendo o seguinte texto em D&C:

"E também em verdade vos digo: Todas as ervas salutares indicou Deus para a constituição, natureza e uso do homem—

11 Toda erva em sua estação e toda fruta em sua estação; todas essas para serem usadas com prudência e ação de graças.

12 Sim, também a carne de animais e a das aves do ar, eu, o Senhor, indiquei para uso do homem, com gratidão; contudo, devem ser usadas moderadamente;

13 Agrada-me que não sejam usadas a não ser no inverno ou em tempos de frio ou de fome.

14 Todos os grãos são indicados para uso do homem e dos animais, para ser o esteio da vida, não só para o homem, mas também para os animais do campo e as aves do céu e todos os animais selvagens que correm ou rastejam na terra;

15 E estes  [animais] fez Deus para uso do homem apenas em épocas de escassez ou fome excessiva"          

                           ( Doutrina e convênios, seção 89: 10-11)

Em resumo o texto dá uma dica de saúde e bem estar, embora hoje interpretada como mandamento, na época fora revelada como palavra de sabedoria para o bem estar físico conforme 2 Corintios 2:17,  Daniel 1:16-18.

A DÚVIDA

Estaria certo comer tanta carne, sendo que a escritura dizia em época de "escassez", "moderadamente"? Esse exagero da sociedade hodierna em comer carne estaria certo?

Cheguei a obvia conclusão que não. Tentei me tornar vegetariano na terra do churrasco. Não deu. 

Então, simplesmente, reduzi meu consumo de carne e voltei a amar os bons e saudáveis pratos de feijão e arroz  de minha pobre infância, lá de vez em quando tinha  ovo ou frango. Fui abençoado com a falta de carne e refri, era feliz e não sabia e meu corpo me agradecia.

Paulo diz que se houver alguma coisa amável, louvável ou de boa fama, nos a procuraremos. Assista ao vídeo e tire suas próprias conclusões.

O que mais me chamou a atenção no vídeo, foi a explanação a respeito da diferença entre o sistema digestivo dos carnívoros e dos herbívoras que nos explica o motivo de tanto colesterol  alto e de tanta gente com as veias entupidas de gordura na sociedade.

COMEÇOU O GOLPE BAIXO.

Estou acompanhando as postagens dos Três principais candidatos à Presidente do Brasil pelo facebook. Não pude deixar de notar que NESTA ÚLTIMA SEMANA OS TRÊS PRINCIPAIS CANDIDATOS INTENSIFICARAM UMA RAJADA DE GOLPE BAIXO,  para ganhar o voto DE MARIA VAI COM AS OUTRAS.

Os marketeiros safados BEM sabem que "inocentemente" GRANDE PARTE DO POVO BRASILEIROS tem MEDO de "PERDER O VOTO logo, votam de acordo com as pesquisas, dai a razão de tanto sucesso das pesquisas pouco confiáveis, realizadas quase que diariamente.  Eis alguns escudos para proteger-se da síndrome de Maria vai com as outras:

1º VOCÊ NÃO PERDE ELEIÇÃO QUEM PERDE É O CANDIDATO -  Você vota em alguém por aproximação de ideais, (infelizmente no Brasil, também por eliminação do menos pior!) e ideologia é como um time de futebol, não se muda de torcida por qualquer coisa... 

2º SE VOCÊ MUDAR PARA O CAMPEÃO NAS PESQUISAS VOCÊ TEM GRANDE CHANCE DE ESTAR SENDO MAQUIAVELICAMENTE MANIPULADO - Existe uma porrada de funcionários bem pagos, Experts, marketeiros com tempo e dispostos  a "vender aquilo que as pessoas querem comprar", ou pelo menos fazer algo parecer com aquilo que se deseja comprar. Em outras palavras, se eles sabem que os eleitores migram para o candidato que está em primeiro lugar nas pesquisas por MEDO e VERGONHA de perder o voto, então farão todo o possível para arrecadar esses inocentes votos.

3º FIQUE  ATENTO COM O QUE ACONTECE NA POLÍTICA - Muitas coisas em nossa vida dependem indiretamente da politica, praticamente tudo! Então devemos saber que política não é um assunto tabu, proibido, se queremos políticos iguais os da Suécia, devemos nos portar como  suecos em relação a politica e politicos, não é fugindo do problema o resolveremos. Deve se trocar conhecimento sobre, politica, candidatos etc, porém sempre respeitando o direito de opinião dos outros, não brigue, não discuta, argumente com razões Talvez sentiram logo que o retorno disso será muito melhor do que estádios padrão FIFA.

4º ESCUTE A VOZ DO BRASIL QUANDO POSSÍVEL - "- Em Brasilia, 19 horas". A voz do Brasil é dividida em vários horários. Poder executivo, legislativo, judiciário, TCU, etc. Muitas das noticias veiculadas lá passam depois no Jornal Nacional, porém mais filtradas ainda.

Four freedom speech, Roosevelt

The Four Freedoms

1941-01-06 - Franklin Delano Roosevelt

---

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:

I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

Our national policy is this:

First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations:

We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."

In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:

Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties for all.

The enjoyment -- The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:

We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose. 

there is others Roosevel´s speechs: 

Fonte: http://www.beersandpolitics.com/discursos/franklin-delano-roosevelt/52